The Future of Polarisation in Europe: Relative Cosmopolitanism and Democracy

Remy Maduit | Authors published

The end of the European and the democratic consensus

Two main agreements between its elites and citizens: a democratic consensus and a European consensus.[i] characterized the history of most Western European states after 1945 and most central or Eastern European states after The democratic consensus refers to the broad endorsement of representative democracy and the European consensus to the broad endorsement of the European integration process. This does not mean that there have not been voices against democracy and Europe on the fringes of the political spectrum. Nor does it mean that democracy and European unification must be necessarily seen as an interdependent pair. It merely means that until the 1990s, no broad public or major party seriously questioned one or the other. The concrete forms of the nation-state democracies remained just as unaffected by this consensus as the concrete forms of the European Communities and later the European Union. For a long time, these two agreements were strong enough to cover up the smoldering lines of conflict underneath. The crises of recent years, which many consider existential, are now erupting and coming to a head in a widely visible polarisation. [ii] The ideal images of what Europe and democracy are supposed to differ gravely and differentiate towards the poles of the conceivable spectrum. Not that democratic societies must be based primarily on consensus-building. Conflict is intrinsic to democracies. It is important to agree on fundamental issues and to find mechanisms of conflict resolution that do not erode the political system. [iii] For the EU, we can critically note that elite consensus has covered conflicts for too long without sufficient democratic debate in the European public sphere. [iv]

The main cleavage today is both in the question of Europe and in the question of democracy, between cosmopolitan currents on the one hand and communitarian ones on the other. In this article, the dissolution of the two consensuses is thought further into the future, and scenarios are presented to show what consequences are possible. After introductory theoretical considerations on the connection between polarization and democracy and the cleavage between cosmopolitanism and communitarianism, two scenarios are presented. In scenario 1, “Polarised Europe”, polarization leads to the erosion of democracy and the European integration process. In scenario 2, “Democratised Europe”, the contradictions between communitarian and cosmopolitan ideas are dialectically resolved with a concept of relative cosmopolitanism, structural reforms, and concrete democratic innovations.

Polarisation between communitarian and cosmopolitan positions

In political science, polarisation refers to a state or process of hardened differences of opinion that are based on perceived or actual inequalities. [v] In pluralistic societies, conflicts are imminent. The purpose of democracies is not to cover up existing conflicts, but to discuss them constructively and transparently. In this respect, a certain polarisation is not only normal but necessary in democracies. However, the challenge is to prevent polarised conflicts from sliding into a violent confrontation where dialogue comes to an end. Several theories explain political polarisation processes. The theory of pluralism assumes that different worldviews and political interests are normatively legitimate and are to be negotiated in a model of democratic governance. Richard Bellamy has described four constitutional forms, which are based on different political theory models. [vi] Constitutional neutrality means that compromise is achieved by trimming and that the constitution is neutral towards world views. “Contentious opinions can still be expressed, but only in private areas such as pubs and clubs or with friends and family”. [vii] “Interest Group Pluralism or compromise by trading” is about the balancing of interests between relevant social and political groups. “… [W] hen conflicts occur, groups will always be able to force and reach mutually beneficial trade-offs with others”. [viii] We know this from collective bargaining between workers and employers in a social partnership context. In the model “Compromise by Segregation”, power-sharing among different groups is considered to be the best approach. It is all about the rights of groups and the group’s control of questions in their vital interests. “They seek to preserve a group’s control of as many areas vital to its form of life as possible, to protect other aspects against damaging incursions and to ensure the collective decisions are consensual.”. [ix] The problem with this model is that it can lead to a hardening of group identity and thus to polarization. That is why the fourth constitutional model described by Bellamy—“Compromise as Negotiation”—seems to be more suitable for the mitigation of polarisation than consociationalism since it acknowledges pluralism and focuses on dialogue. “The key disposition to foster is encapsulated in the republican formula ‘audi alteram partem’ or ‘hear the other side’. This criterion constrains both the procedures and the outcomes of the political process. People must drop purely self-referential or self-interested reasoning and look for considerations others can find compelling, ruling out arguments that cannot treat all of equal moral worth. They must strive to accommodate the clashes of preferences and principles associated with pluralism by seeking integrative compromises that view the concerns raised by others as matters to be met rather than constraints to be overcome through minimal, tactical concessions”. [x] This negotiation-based approach fits with a theory of democracy based on dialogue, deliberation, and participation which in recent decades has been strongly associated with Jürgen Habermas. [xi] Although Bellamy and Castiglione have discussed and criticized Habermas’ theory of constitutional patriotism elsewhere [xii], they share the general idea that democracy must be based on dialogue and the inclusion of the other. [xiii] Later in this article, elements of Habermas’ discourse theory are taken up again.

Dealing with conflict is essentially one of the central questions of democratic theory. This seems true for the twenty-first century. [xiv] And this dealing with conflicts depends on normative positions, which are themselves subject to polarization. One aspect of social division is the exaggeration or abridgment of theoretical concepts and often their deliberate misuse. We have been experiencing this for some years around the concepts of communitarianism and cosmopolitanism. Both stem from a multifaceted philosophical debate. Bellamy and Castiglione argue they are ontological rather than ideological. [xv] However, in times of polarization, they are misused by political parties as absolute truths and models of exclusion.

Communitarian approaches assume a common cultural core that holds societies together and that should not be disturbed too much. [xvi] For a long time, thinkers of the left who used it to defend welfare state achievements against neoliberal globalization advocated this idea. For some years now, nationalists have been using the core augmentation of communitarianism without calling it by its name. They plead for a retreat to the national and thus undermine the philosophical concept with their racist, ethnicist, and authoritarian worldviews. [xvii]

Cosmopolitan assumptions assume the possibility of universal democracy and a negotiation process that can be described by Juergen Habermas[xviii] as procedural rationality which does not presuppose any cultural preconditions. The philosophical and political theoretical definitions of cosmopolitanism [xix] are almost always based on an inclusive conception of the world, universalist ideas in which all people are granted equal rights. In recent years, cosmopolitanism is also closely linked to ecological questions. [xx] But despite the claim of global solidarity and equality among political thinkers of cosmopolitanism, political actors who represent cosmopolitan ideas in the political party specter or civil society and NGOs sometimes ignore the socio-economic conditions of poorer milieus and underestimate the achievements of nation-state democracy. [xxi] This can drive polarisation and de facto exclude certain groups from political discourse. [xxii]

In terms of political theory, perhaps the two schools of thought serve different human needs: communitarians prioritize belonging to a nation or a political entity, while cosmopolitans prioritize equal freedom for all people. [xxiii] In this article, the distinction does not stand for all political-theoretical facets of the two schools of thought. Rather, they describe the misuse in the political debate that is based on fundamental orientations and worldviews. That is why I will use the terms exclusive communitarianism and dogmatic cosmopolitanism to avoid confusing the practical aberrations with the differentiated theoretical concepts.

For Wolfgang Merkel, this new line of conflict is emerging as a growing cleavage between winners and losers of globalization. While the former are mostly well-educated and wealthy, the latter suffer from the risks of globalization because they have less capital and resources and are less represented in the political system. For Merkel, the far-right and drives polarisation exploits this gap of representation. [xxiv] But some dogmatic cosmopolitans in the public debate also contribute to polarization by discrediting others, politicizing lifestyle issues offensively, and sometimes without regard to the socio-economic conditions of poorer milieus. [xxv] They underestimate the achievements of the nation-states in terms of democratic quality and think that democracy is easily transferable to a supranational or even global level (Merkel). People who are formally less educated, less wealthy, and who are threatened by globalization effects sometimes perceive the politicization of lifestyles as a kind of cosmopolitan arrogance [xxvi] or lifestyle arrogance. [xxvii] The polarisation is based on a factual and increasing inequality that has been observed for a long time and has been empirically documented. [xxviii]

In this article, I draw on Merkel’s argumentation that globalization is a key factor in the polarisation between cosmopolitan and communitarian positions on democracy and Europe. But I assume it is not only a question of winners and losers of globalization that determines whether people lean. Rather, in a dialectical understanding of the world, different needs are opposed to each other, which are ideally represented by the two. [xxix] Communitarians serve the need for belonging and security, while cosmopolitanism is more oriented towards individual freedom and universal solidarity.

Regarding the theories of democracy as rebellion [xxx] and a relative or rebellious cosmopolitanism [xxxi], I assume that individuals and societies are torn between two needs: freedom and belonging. Polarisation processes reflect this existential contradiction, as seen in the struggle between communitarianism and cosmopolitanism. If the balance between the two needs falters in a political system, which can happen quickly because of crises and a lack of political equality, polarisation occurs. The theoretical concept of relative or rebellious cosmopolitanism can build bridges between communitarians and cosmopolitans and foster political equality and by the practical strengthening of democracy and dialogue offers the dialectical resolution of the conflict.

As I argued elsewhere, democracy as rebellion means that the individual rebellion against authoritarianism and inequality is rooted in an immediate existential experience and expresses itself as universal solidarity between strangers. [xxxii] This cosmopolitanism is not based on the hybris of being a winner. It is not a theoretical or economic cosmopolitanism, but a rooted cosmopolitanism. [xxxiii] Patrick Hayden defined what he calls “rebellious cosmopolitanism” as follows: “… the idea of cosmopolitanism should be situated in a post-foundationalist and post-teleological nexus to prevent it becoming a new political ideology of immutable truth… cosmopolitanism must strive against the injustices of a deeply divided world, yet accept theoretical, factual, and moral limits on its vision and actions.”.[xxxiv] I suggest calling this kind of cosmopolitanism relative cosmopolitanism, in the sense of a relative utopia, as Albert Camus understood it. [xxxv]

The political polarisation that we observe in recent years, is linked to various factors of political equality, including representation, participation, and transparency, but is also a dialectical relationship between contradictory needs for freedom and belonging, to which cosmopolitanism and communitarianism correspond in the political level. [xxxvi] A balance between these needs requires a non-dogmatic relative cosmopolitanism that is based on real-life experiences and competencies of democracy, dialogue, and citizenship education.

Basis characteristics of polarization

In a complex world where there are no simple explanations, the risk of polarisation increases. Unequal power relations, socio-economic inequality, structural marginalization, discrimination, or exclusion of certain groups can drive its pernicious forms. The polarization we encounter today thus has an existential basis, the contradiction between the need for freedom and that of belonging.

Four features characterize polarisation processes.[xxxvii]
* Discrepancy of opinions: Two identifiable and profiled opinions oppose each other. These opinions are not compatible and configure themselves in either/or relationships. The communitarians aim at a narrower concept of belonging, the cosmopolitans at a broad understanding in which individual freedom and solidarity are thought of globally and universally.
* Group formation: The two opinions are held by two different groups whose members are aware of the discrepancy and feel they belong to one of the two groups. They divided the world into “Us versus Them”. [xxxviii] Political opponents are increasingly becoming antagonists [xxxix] or even enemies. Carl Schmitt’s friend-enemy scheme has recently received greater attention again. [xl] In political science, the term “affective polarization” refers to the mutual dislike of the groups. [xli] What is necessary is the awareness that one’s own opinion is one pole in a spectrum that can contain many opinions and that one’s position is represented by a group that is visible in some way. Often these groups give themselves a name, or names are attributed to them. Concerning the positioning of the EU, we know the attributions as pro-and anti-Europeans or Eurosceptics. Concerning the positioning of democracy, it is mainly a distinction between representative and direct democratic elements.
* Purism: Relative positions are not considered by the two groups. A conciliatory position is rejected. The groups that form the poles in a polarization process cannot take a middle position because their opinions are too far apart. A drastic example can illustrate this: opponents of the death penalty cannot negotiate about the death penalty. Their position is non-negotiable. The same is true for human rights activists. The historical fighters for democracy could not negotiate their goal with those who wanted to preserve their authoritarian power. Someone fighting for women’s rights cannot soften or weaken the goal of equality. Conversely, authoritarian forces that oppose emancipation do not give an inch. The positions at the poles are therefore non-negotiable for the representatives of these poles. This is also true in the polarization around Europe. Those who advocate a European republic will not discuss the possibility of renationalization. The reverse is also true.
* Political struggle: The fourth characteristic to be mentioned is that a political struggle for positions must be waged to speak of polarization. The mere existence of major differences of opinion is not per se politically relevant, because it would also be conceivable that one group or even both simply exist in silence without engaging in a political struggle. Only when there is a dispute in public can we talk about polarization.

However, polarisation processes are not to be dangerous or endangering democracy, per se. To a certain extent, they are part of pluralistic societies. Historically, polarisation processes have even often been a precondition for social change toward more democracy. Polarisation often starts from below and develops bottom-up. When social movements recognize a lack of justice or opportunities for themselves or other groups and fight against it, a hardening of positions is to be expected at first, as the dominant or privileged groups feel threatened and may reject the demands. Only when the pressure of the social movement becomes so strong that it leads to a concession can polarisation develop towards democratization. For this to happen, the polarisation process must be turned around positively through dialogue and inclusion. [xlii]

In contrast, a more dangerous form of polarisation develops as an ever-sharper intensification of positions in the broad social center, which can ultimately lead to a willingness to use violence. In such a case, the political differences of opinion lead to strong distrust and hardening and spread relatively quickly among the supporters of the respective side, far into the center of society. Polarisation leads to social division and the end of the dialogue. It is often driven and deliberately fuelled by populist politicians. “Whoever is not for me is against me” is the pointed formula that describes this phenomenon. Using media plays an important role in this. Media power is therefore of utmost importance in polarisation processes. Divisive politicians typically used communication methods that contradict the dialogue principle and are based on monologues.

Two paths can be taken in the polarisation processes. The increase in polarization can lead to a hardening of positions and tear the center apart. The consequence is that dialogue ends, the desire to destroy and eliminate opponents grows, and ultimately, violence is used. This process is called pernicious or undemocratic polarisation. The other way polarisation can go is the constructive turn in which the division is resolved through dialogue. This can be called benign or democratic polarization. [xliii] The progression of polarisation depends on the development of structural, socio-economic, and political inequalities, experiences of democracy, and offers of dialogue. The actors of polarization are divided into pushers and followers who have an interest in division, seek scapegoats, and use manipulative communication techniques. In contrast, the so-called bridge builders can counteract this by promoting democracy and dialogue at various political levels. [xliv]

Polarisation and the end of the democratic consensus

The democratic consensus of the post-war period was based on the conviction that democracy was the only form of government that is acceptable. This consensus was upheld in the political party landscape of Western Europe and, after 1989, largely in Eastern Europe as well. Although there were very different ideas and forms of democratic systems, from a semi-presidential French democracy to a parliamentary form in many other states and further gradations, the basic idea of representative democracy was not in question. This changed in the 1990s and finally reached its peak in the last few years. Although there is still a very high percentage of people favoring democracy over all other forms of government in opinion surveys, there is a lot of evidence for a consequent, subversive decline of approval for democracy if we look at other indicators. Not only is the number of parties questioning the democratic consensus increasing [xlv], but the desire for a strong leader who does not need to care about parliament or election is also growing. [xlvi] Satisfaction with, trust in, and approval of representative democracy and its actors are also declining. Thus, all these factors are eroding the democratic consensus. This mood, rising inequality, and a general uncertainty related to the phenomena of individualization, but also concrete, existential experiences of crisis, promote politicization and polarisation. [xlvii] Authoritarian populists and pushers of polarisation use this for their own goals. With manipulative communication, hate speech, and the spreading of fake news, they try to further divide society. [xlviii]

Trust in a representative democracy is declining not only among losers of globalization but among different groups. For exclusive communitarians and nationalists, it is losing its core and dissolving too much in a global world with phenomena like immigration and a questioning of identity; for the other side, it is still too strongly tied to cultural and national identities and structures to develop beyond the nation-state. The proposed solutions are as different as the starting points. Exclusive communitarian positions aim at a return to national, sometimes even regional, sovereignty. Cosmopolitan positions call for the overcoming of national states, and supranational and global forms of democracy.

Polarization and the end of the European consensus

The second basic consensus of the post-war period, which has been wavering in Europe for several decades now, is the European consensus. Although there were always some opponents to the European integration project, they were marginal until well into the 1990s. [xlix] That there was a consensus on the basic idea of unification despite all the differences between intergovernmental and federal conceptions of Europe can be shown by the positions of the governing parties, at least in continental Europe, throughout the second half of the twentieth century. [l] From a democratic perspective, this broad elite consensus, also known as permissive consensus, has always been a problem, for it was accompanied by the absence of democratic negotiation processes in the European public sphere. [li]

Only with the entry of the FPÖ into a government in Austria in 2000 was this tradition broken, when for the first time an openly anti-European or at least very Eurosceptic party assumed government responsibility. The reactions from other EU countries were very negative. In particular, French President Chirac and German Chancellor Schröder criticized the Austrian People’s Party for entering a coalition with the right-wing populists. These two politicians not only represented the leading countries in the EU but also the two big party families, conservatives and social democrats, who were already under pressure by the rise of the far-right. [lii]

Today, we know that this was only the beginning of a general European development in which Eurosceptic to anti-European parties came to power in many countries. Italy, the Netherlands, Finland, Belgium, and others have since had similar coalitions with right-wing populist or far-right participation. In Hungary and Poland, governments have been established that question the basic values of the Union and democracy. The British even left the EU. All this underlines the fact that the post-war European consensus no longer holds up unchallenged. Europe and its future have become the subject of polarised debates. Again, communitarian and cosmopolitan positions confront each other. Communitarians aim for a return to the nation-state. They argue for the dissolution of the EU or the withdrawal of their countries, or at least for renationalization to restore the full sovereignty of all member states. This would be tantamount to the end of the Union. The cosmopolitans see the EU as the first step towards overcoming national egoism and want a federal union that is committed to cosmopolitan values both internally and on the international stage.[liii]

Democracy and Europe: two scenarios

In the following, two possible scenarios are considered descriptively and based on a few indicators. These are narrative scenarios that should describe plausible developments qualitatively and show what would be expected in the event of changes in individual indicators. In doing so, a rough structure is used and the complexity of reality is greatly reduced. This approach aims to highlight orientation points for future developments and the significance of the chosen individual indicators. The indicators chosen for the narrative scenarios relate to two interrelated goals and principles of democracy: political equality and attitudes toward democracy. These affect the principles of freedom and control as described in the Democracy Barometer. [liv] The scenarios describe how the polarization between communitarian and cosmopolitan positions would develop based on the indicators of political equality and democratic attitudes. In the first scenario “Polarised Europe”, there is a further polarisation between exclusive communitarian and dogmatic cosmopolitan ideas. The second scenario, “Democratised Europe” shows how the concept of rebellious cosmopolitanism could achieve a mediating and democracy-promoting alternative.

Scenario 1: Polarized Europe—exclusive communitarianism and dogmatic cosmopolitanism

In the first scenario “Polarised Europe”, I assume that in the polarisation process, the nationalist arguments become increasingly strong. The battle for the undecided voters is heating. The main social and political problems like structural inequality and a lack of democratic experiences remain and help to polarise pushers to mobilize followers and find scapegoats among immigrants and political elites. In response to this exclusive communitarian, nationalist aggression, other political actors fail or are not interested in providing equal chances, participation, and representation.

They do not seek ways to build bridges with the undecided, but polarise themselves, strongly politicize all nuances of lifestyles and show a certain arrogance as described by Sandel [lv] or Beckstein. [lvi] This leads to parts of the hitherto silent center choosing one of the two sides and considering the respective opponents as enemies. This is all driven by deficits in the quality of democracy in the nation-state, but also at the supranational level.

The four criteria of polarisation are evident. Opinions about dogmatic cosmopolitan and exclusive communitarian positions continue to diverge, fuelled by European policy issues, migration, and the exclusion of certain groups demanding their rights. “Us versus them” thinking is intensifying, the groups are profiling themselves. Right-wing nationalist parties are at one end. Greens and liberals on the other. Social democracy and conservatives are also marked by conflicts around these issues.

The representation of underprivileged groups, the so-called globalization losers, in the political process and the party landscape is low and even declining. The impression that democracy is an elite process is hardening. Cases of corruption among politicians weaken trust in the political parties. The COVID-19 crisis and other existential threats deepen inequality and foster a feeling of insecurity in those groups of the population who are underprivileged or who are at risk of unemployment. But also people in secure economic circumstances who have only a little experience of democracy in their lives and are used to authoritarian conditions in their families, workplaces, and socialization, show a low willingness to engage in dialogue and tend more and more to criticize democracy. In a world full of crises, the two old agreements, the European consensus, and the democratic consensus seem to be outdated and inefficient. Democracies on the national level often lack representation, transparency, and equal participation. Neoliberal economic conditions exploit people and do not allow for democratic experiences and self-efficacy in daily life.

Authoritarian populists exploit this situation and polarising pushers who not only stir up opposition to European unification but also to representative democracy. In their efforts to divide society and draw the undecided middle to their side, they attribute all deficits and social problems to the open, cosmopolitan-oriented society. They see pluralism as the root of all evil and oppose internationalism and supranationalism, immigration, and any restriction of national sovereignty. They advocate an end to the European consensus and promote aggressive migration policies and economic protectionism. Exclusive communitarian and nationalist ideas are combined with racism, antisemitism, and Islamophobia. In their European policy, these groups are undermining the European consensus. Nationalist and anti-European actors try to do this in three different ways. Leaving the EU is the explicit path that the British have already taken. But since this does not have the support of clear majorities in many countries, the Eurosceptics are trying to renationalize the EU from within. They succeed partly by renegotiating treaties and partly by ignoring or blocking EU laws in the European Council and the European Parliament.

The attempt to establish exclusive and closed societies with populations that are as homogeneous as possible—a development that by some is interpreted as a reaction to globalization—is itself challenged by cosmopolitan attempts to supra nationalism or even globalize democracy. Cosmopolitans demand a European republic in which states no longer play a decisive role. [lvii] Some want to largely detach democracy from its representative structures with direct democratic procedures to replace them. In this context, little attention is paid to the fact that socio-structural inequality also contributes to inequality in democratic procedures, since certain competencies to assert one’s interests are less pronounced among the poorly educated. They are less used to speaking publicly, presenting their arguments, and forming networks.

In an increasingly aggressive environment and a battle for undecided voters in the middle, cosmopolitan forces, often seen as the winners of globalization, promote the unconditional overcoming of the nation-state with its traditional ties. Two dividing failures or problems are mixed into this concern, which is normatively demanding and positive in terms of human rights or climate policy: (1) the ignorance of socio-economic conditions and their impact on lifestyles which I call lifestyle arrogance, and (2) the underestimation of the democratic qualities of nation-states, the transferability of which to larger entities is not conceivable without problems.

Some dogmatic cosmopolitans thus make the mistake of using moral appeals and a certain lifestyle arrogance to defame those who, for socio-economic reasons or because of their socialization, hold different worldviews. [lviii] Those who are undecided, but express doubts about the overcoming of the nation-state or the radical change of their lifestyles, are portrayed as backward, nationalistic, and unreasonable. Lifestyles thus become even more politicized. Only those who behave according to certain universal and ecological goals are considered responsible democrats. From a sociological point of view, a kind of new bourgeoisie threatens the old middle class. [lix] Here, it is important to stress that it is not the basic idea of cosmopolitanism that is exclusionary, but the way it is promoted by some loud voices in the political debate. Socio-economic conditions are ignored; opponents of one’s worldview are regarded as antagonists. National interests are seen as hurdles for a “European common good”. The democratic achievements of nation-states are no longer recognized. They are considered easily transferable to a supranational or even global level. [lx] Here, it is noticeable that even in the better-educated strata of globalization winners, certain democratic competencies and experiences of democracy are lacking. That dialogue and participatory rationality are central components of democracies are not anchored in this group. As a result, they fall into the trap of polarization and respond to the pushers of the other side with their exacerbation campaign. Everyday life and its banalities are politicized. Everything is understood as an expression of political attitudes. What someone eats, how and where people live or work, if they have a car or not, where and how they spend their holidays, and what music they listen to—all this is evaluated, ranked, and devalued. In this scenario, some of the self-declared promoters of progressive cosmopolitanism divide the world into those with a sustainable or imperial lifestyle. [lxi] The private dissolves and becomes the object of steady evaluation in the political debate. In this irreconcilable positioning, political actors of the center fail. Neither local nor regional, national, or supranational authorities can build bridges. The split is heading towards a violent conflict, at the end of which one of the two groups will win at the expense of democracy.

Merkel and Zürn have described the new cleavage and shown how parties align and profile themselves along with these questions.[lxii] Their critique is less of the differentiated theoretical models of communitarianism and cosmopolitanism than of their political instrumentalization. They see the representational deficits of modern democracies as the source of the conflict. Institutions of democracy have no place for the so-called losers of globalization. In this irreconcilable positioning, political actors of the center fail. Neither local nor regional, national, or supranational authorities can build bridges. Inequalities are widening. The places of dialogue and experience of democracy in everyday life remain rare. The split is heading towards a violent conflict, at the end of which one of the two groups will win at the expense of democracy.

Scenario 2: Democratised Europe—relative cosmopolitanism and dialogue

In the second scenario, the initial situation is similar. Polarisers are driving society apart. Authoritarian populists with nationalist arguments face dogmatic cosmopolitans who sometimes cultivate a kind of lifestyle arrogance. The difference, however, arises in the response to the polarisation process. While in the first scenario there are no bridge-builders in a powerful position, in the second scenario a positive, democracy-promoting form of confrontation develops, based on a relative, rebellious cosmopolitanism. The reaction to the burgeoning exclusive and nationalist communitarianism is similar among some actors here as well. We assume here too, that some argue with moral appeals and disregard the realities of people’s lives. In contrast to the first scenario, however, relative cosmopolitans enter the scene and build bridges. To build democratic bridges, it is not the pushers who need to be addressed, but the undecided middle. Relative cosmopolitans avoid the two mistakes described in the first scenario. They are neither ignorant of socioeconomic and political inequality, nor are they naïve in terms of the transferability of democracy and the role of the nation-state.

This cosmopolitism is relative also in the way as it does not regard the goal as an absolute dogma for which all means are justified and because it allows individuals and societies more differentiated paths to the goal. It is thus a cosmopolitanism that arises from the reality of life. It is rebellious because it includes resistance to every form of authoritarianism and every kind of polarization or division, not only on a political level but on a daily life level. Dialogue is the basis of this relative, rebellious cosmopolitanism. It is what Albert Camus describes as the experience of someone who develops his solidarity from the experiences of poverty in a concrete situation. [lxiii] It is thus not an academic or abstract universalism of a winner of globalization, but the human solidarity of a person who develops cosmopolitanism solidarity in the experience of everyday life challenges. This turns cosmopolitanism to its humanist core. It is not founded on economic or intellectual superiority, not on the experience of being a winner, but on the contrary, on the experience of existential suffering. This can also be called cosmopolitanism from below or rooted cosmopolitanism. [lxiv] The crucial point is the one that Patrick Hayden emphasizes with recourse to Camus: A cosmopolitanism that is not dogmatic, that does not itself become an ideology. [lxv] Michael F. Mascolo describes it from a psychological perspective and suggests a relational-dialectical approach for constructive political discourse. This approach builds bridges through dialectical engagement. [lxvi] The inclusion and understanding of others play a central role in this. These strategies mitigated the characteristics of polarization. Political opponents are not considered enemies. Instead of tugging at the undecided, different positions are allowed and discussed. There are several examples in history where such strategies based on dialogue achieved a positive effect. [lxvii]

In Scenario 2, the polarizing strategies of the pushers are thus contrasted with a dialectical method of discourse, dialogue, and democracy. However, to achieve this on a large scale, efforts are needed from different actors at different political levels, from the European Commission, the European Parliament, the ministries in the nation-states, regional and local authorities, and finally from further organizations and interest groups. Two preconditions are necessary. At the level of legislation, it prevented a further increase in social inequality in this scenario. Rather, social action is taken to end poverty and promote inclusion. The risks of globalization are no longer passed on to the individual but are assumed by the state. Access opportunities to for education, jobs, and political participation are increased. The second crucial step is to improve the quality of democracy and dialogue. Efforts are needed here from the local level up to the supranational level. The end of the European consensus, which has long been held as a permissive consensus, is being replaced by a discursive, public debate, the strengthening of the European Parliament, and the introduction of different participatory democracies. [lxviii]

Nation-states are not replaced or overcome in this scenario but are seen as an example of how democracy can work, and how dialogue and social partnership can be organized. Although they lose their veto power, they are still crucial in decision-making on the EU level as a kind of second chamber. The power of governments is not being replaced, but complemented by the power of citizens, through the further enhancement of the European Parliament and new forms of participation such as citizens’ councils at the EU level. [lxix] However, this strengthening of the supranational level is only possible with the consent and involvement of the trade unions so that the so-called losers of globalization do not have to fear a further weakening of their interests, but quite the opposite. [lxx] For this to succeed, social dialogue is strengthened.

At the national level, aspects of political equality are strengthened: transparency, representation, and participation in parliaments and other institutions of representative democracy are actively promoted. [lxxi] However, this is not happening because of the new sanity or goodwill of the political parties, but because of public pressure arising from failures and corruption scandals. The nepotism that surfaces in many states draws public outrage and reform. These reforms are driven by examples where party control and citizen participation succeed. The citizens’ councils and assemblies in Ireland, Belgium, French cities, etc. [lxxii] inspire other states and show that democratic innovations do not have to remain elitist games, but that through certain and constantly improved procedures, less privileged groups can also gain access to political decision-making. Strengthening citizenship education and democratic competencies, as defined by the Council of Europe, in schools and educational institutions also plays an important role. [lxxiii]

An attempt is made to create an ideal speech situation as described by Habermas in different contexts. It means that all participants have the same chance of initiation and participation in the debate. They evaluate each other’s assertions based on reason and evidence and have an interest in rational consensus. The point is to exclude coercion from the debate as far as possible. [lxxiv] Even if there are justified doubts about this theory of communicative action about its practicability and its many presuppositions, we can consider it an ideal approach. Structural and social hierarchies shall be limited to a minimum. Especially at the local level, it is possible to improve the dialogue between the different population groups and their different interests. [lxxv]

In this scenario, existing structures are expanded, promoted, and funded by national and supranational authorities. This leads to people having experiences of democracy in their immediate environment that they would otherwise not have known. Bridge builders are strengthened in their work. Social workers ensure that their clients are empowered by their democratic competencies. In this way, sections of the population that are most exposed to the risks of globalization can bring their interests to bear, and it does not stop at articulation, but also leads to visible consequences. This takes the wind out of the pushers’ sails. Although they remain an important factor in the democratic game, they can no longer have the impact they had in scenario 1. The bridge builders become stronger and more motivated and encouraged by state institutions and laws that put an end to dangerous inequality.

Polarisation will not disappear in this scenario either, but it will be turned in a direction that is less dangerous and includes the chance of democratization. In all measures, the concept of a relative, rebellious cosmopolitanism is at the forefront, which is not dogmatic and attempts to dialectically overcome the split between communitarian and cosmopolitan positions through dialogue and inclusion. Without question, this scenario is very demanding and therefore, at first glance, extremely unlikely. Above all, we cannot assume that all the measures mentioned will take place at all political levels at the same time. Already existing initiatives can certainly be strengthened by various actors. In the public debate, there is little knowledge about successful democratic innovations of different countries, regions, or cities. If they receive more attention, this scenario is also less absurd than it might seem at first glance.

Conclusion

The democratic and European consensus can no longer be taken for granted. Conflicts that hardly played a role or were covered up by a permissive consensus are now emerging as a strong polarization. How this situation can develop further than described in the article in two scenarios. In scenario 1 “Polarised Europe”, polarization is driven by authoritarian populists and anti-democratic extremists, but also by those who, through moralizing, elevate their position vis-à-vis all others. This leads to a hardening of positions between exclusive communitarians and dogmatic cosmopolitans. The situation continues to escalate. At the political level, this makes negotiation between parties and thus the formation of governments in different states even more difficult. The division is also growing in the broader population. Political opponents are increasingly seen as enemies with whom discussion is avoided. The end of dialogue increases the risk of violence and mutual exclusion. The quality of democracy suffers from this development. Equal political freedom, human and citizens’ rights, dialogue, and solidarity between citizens are weakened. Government formations take longer. Parliamentary debates are taken less seriously or are ridiculed, while the confrontation in the streets increases. People think in categories of friend and enemy, as Carl Schmitt described it. Europe is strongly polarised and does not find solutions to the ever-growing conflicts. Representative democracy and the European integration process are questioned and social cohesion is sustainably weakened.

In the second scenario “Democratised Europe”, the model of relative cosmopolitanism pays attention to the realities of life of all groups without moralizing and offers solutions through dialogue. Relative cosmopolitanism, inspired by Albert Camus and described by Patrick Hayden [lxxvi], assumes the equality of all people and is based on a humanistic worldview, but recognizes that this very worldview does not emerge of its own accord but depends on the democratic experiences of citizens, structural and economic realities, political socialization and citizenship education. The attempt to enable equal access to political decision-making is in the foreground. Including the other is made possible through dialogue. [lxxvii] Relative cosmopolitanism is not only represented by an educated elite, but also by those who live a kind of cosmopolitanism from below in a globalized world. However, it is not just a matter of improving dialogue forums and democratic innovations. In the second scenario, socio-economic inequalities and the marginalization or exclusion of certain groups are also addressed. Polarisation is mitigated and constructively turned into a more inclusive and democratic Europe.

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